1. Western Monasticism

The monks of the West, however eagerly they fled the world, remained always a part of contemporary society and thus participants of its development, subjects of its history. The truth of Revelation is timeless, but each generation developed a distinctly different approach to its exalted ideals. The monks, in their persistent striving after perfection, truly reflected the changing mind of new ages. Moreover, it was through monasticism that religion exercised a direct formative influence on the unfolding character of Christian civilization.

The religious life, broadly interpreted, is as old as mankind itself. In all ages, in every great civilization, there have been men and women who dedicated their lives to the service of God either by living in retirement from worldly affairs or by spending themselves in works of charity. Christianity did not create a new type of life by its monastic institutions. Rather, it breathed a new soul into an old structure. Its program of asceticism was based upon the solid foundation of the evangelical counsels - voluntary poverty, chastity, and obedience.

In the very first Christian centuries, thousands of hermits and anchorites abandoned a pagan and hostile civilization for the solitary life in the deserts of Egypt and Syria. Through severe penances and continuous meditation they mapped out a daily schedule for fighting the allurements of the evil spirit and conquering the temptations of the flesh. Many grouped themselves around such strong personalities as St. Paul of Thebais or St. Anthony, and started a form of community life. St. Pachomius (296-346) further added to this development by building the first monasteries and giving to his cenobites the first monastic rule.

By the end of the fourth century, Eastern monasticism was profoundly influenced by St. Basil (330-379) and his rule. Instead of the strange austerities emphasized by the Desert Fathers Basil stressed the practice of basic Christian virtues, the value of community life, and the importance of regular work. Basilian monasteries mushroomed throughout Asia Minor and Palestine, and his spirit is still perpetuated in Greek and Slavonic monasticism.

After its conversion, the West also embraced the eremitical life of the East. St. Martin of Tours, and especially Cassian (360-420) by his Institutes and Collations, contributed substantially to this development; yet, it was soon proven that neither climate nor the western character was in accordance with such an austere eastern pattern. Except for Ireland, the eremitical system never took deep root in Europe, and at the end of the fifth century the early establishments were in full decline.

St. Benedict

St. Benedict (480-547), who not only detected the troubles but basically reorganized religious life, became the real founder and father of Western Monasticism. He was a noble Roman in birth and mind; and his work, the Rule, was a classical masterpiece of a dying civilization and a splendid synthesis of the best in Roman and Christian traditions. He definitely turned his back to the extravagant individualism of the Eastern hermits. His religious community followed the model of a well ordered Roman family. There was one head, the father of the monastery, the Abbot, having an unlimited authority, while the members of the community were obliged to carry out his commands in perfect obedience and discipline. Yet this severity was always tempered by the abbot's fatherly love and his deep understanding of human nature with all its needs and weaknesses. St. Benedict's practical mind permeated the smallest details of the daily schedule and arranged everything by the use of his favorite phrase, "reasonably and with right measure." Corresponding to western mentality, there was a sound balance between prayer and work, the former including the recitation of the Divine Office and spiritual reading, the latter involving physical or mental occupation. Obviously, St. Benedict's Rule was not given for a select group of perfect monks ready to practice the virtues in a heroic manner; rather, he considered it as the least of rules, written for beginners, for everyone who truly seeks God, presupposing all kinds of shortcomings and transgressions. In his keen sense for legal justice, there were strict punishments too; but the holy author could state with full sincerity in the Prologue, that he was about to establish a school of the service of God, in which he hoped he would ordain nothing rigorous or burdensome.

The superiority and practical value of the Rule of St. Benedict was proven by the fact that within two hundred years it conquered the whole West, supplanting the Celtic monasticism and the latter's more severe Rule of St. Columban (540-615). The quick spread of Benedictine life was greatly promoted by Pope St. Gregory the Great (540-604), who committed to the Benedictines the mission of converting the still pagan people of England. After achieving splendid success in this field, they extended their activities into Germany, Scandinavia and farther east among the Slavic peoples, converting them not only by preaching the Gospel, but by the example of Christian life in their well ordered monasteries.

Although, during the three centuries following St. Benedict's death, no considerable change took place in the observance of the Rule or in the religious ideals, yet the monastic establishments north of the Alps gave quite a different picture from the modest beginnings of the early sixth century. The original "schools of the Lord's service," far from the proud centers of contemporary civilization and established for a limited number of God-seeking souls, gradually became the hub of an economic, social, and intellectual revival for a whole new society longing for higher learning. Charlemagne (768-814) entrusted his magnificent educational program to the monasteries recently reorganized by himself; moreover, his most influential advisers, the eminent representatives of the so-called "Carolingian Renaissance," were all Benedictines.

With the monks' expansion north of the Alps, the new duties and colder climate produced unimportant modifications in the daily schedule, food, and clothing; but far more important changes were imminent, because the newly born society and civilization, nurtured by the Church, was basically different from that of St. Benedict. Although the British, French, and German monasteries did their best to transplant elements of the antique culture together with the rudiments of Christian faith into the minds of their new pupils, the result was essentially influenced by a third element, namely the native culture and historic tradition of these one-time barbaric nations. On this triple integration of antiquity, Christianity, and national traditions, hinged the new civilization of the Middle Ages. This new world was soon strong enough to assimilate all the institutions inherited from past antiquity. The medieval Papacy, with its constantly growing influence, the reborn Empire, and the cities rebuilt upon Roman ruins are the best examples of how the new society transformed the antique heritage. For the same reason, it is understandable how the Rule of St. Benedict and his monastic ideals - as another product of the late Roman civilization - sooner or later was to face a procedure of adaptation to the requirements of the changed world.

The human ideal of these young and vigorous peoples was the fearless warrior; the virtue they most admired, heroism; and the only vocation they thought fitting to free men was that of the soldier and the knight. Upon such a mentality a smoothly running monastery, with its classical gravity and monotonous daily schedule under a mild Rule, in which nothing harsh or rigorous was legislated, made not too deep an impression. At the same time, far more appealing was the heroic life and example of the Desert Fathers engaged in a continuous battle against legions of demons and whose miraculous stories and legends were available in every monastic library. For these overzealous converts, the Rule hardly offered any opportunity to prove their individual heroism in severe ascetism; consequently, their growing discontent led to a long period of crisis in monastic history, created by a gap existing between new needs and desires on the one hand, and the immense authority of St. Benedict and his Rule on the other. The solution was not easy, because open alteration in the monastic Rule was out of question. Even disregarding the traditional veneration of the Rule and its author, there was no word more detested in the Middle Ages than "innovation." The only way to find a satisfactory compromise between the two vital factors, tradition and life, was the re-interpretation of the silent letters of the Rule according to the new ideals. Its unfoldment from the first attempt toward a final solution presented by the Cistercians, constitutes the most interesting pages of the history of the European mind, and runs parallel with the evolution of other medieval institutions which reached their culmination in the twelfth century. It is needless to emphasize that the real monastic "reforms" in the future ebullitions of the forthcoming centuries did not presuppose necessarily low moral standards or decline, and never meant certain simple measures for extirpating some abuses to restore the ancient discipline. On the contrary, the "reforms" were repeated attempts to find a new formula and way of living, in which the old and new could melt into one harmonious synthesis.

St. Benedict of Aniane

The first definite challenge of the new ideals was represented in the life and reform activities of St. Benedict of Aniane (d.821). He received a traditional Benedictine training, but soon left the community. With his devoted disciples, he started a life of extreme simplicity and austerity, openly declaring that the Rule was for beginners only, while the imitation of the Desert Fathers was meant to lead to perfection. For the West, this program was still premature. As soon as he realized the unfavorable reaction, Benedict yielded to a compromise, without losing his determination to carry out his plans with the effective backing and commitment of Louis the Pious. Assuming the position of reformer of all the monasteries of the Empire, Benedict called together in 817, under the auspices of the Emperor, a general meeting of abbots at Aachen, where they passed a series of regulations, the Capitula, concerning monastic reform. The Rule was kept as a basis, but the indefatigable reformer succeeded in putting into practice some of his original ideals, such as perfect seclusion from the world and the increase of time spent in prayer. Consequently, the Capitula prohibited the maintenance of schools in the monastery, discontinued the agricultural work of the monks, and recognized liturgical prayer as almost the only monastic occupation.

St. Benedict of Aniane was doubtless a strong revolutionary character and an excellent organizer; but, since he had built his work upon the support of the Emperor, instead of upon the understanding sympathy of his fellow abbots, his work was reduced to nothing after the collapse of the Carolingian Monarchy.

The following troublesome decades of the "Dark Ages" weighed heavily upon monasticism everywhere in Europe without any hope for a sound revival. In the foundation of Cluny in 910, however, the program of Benedict of Aniane was resumed with such success that this time the reform changed the standard of monastic life entirely and permanently influenced Benedictine spirituality. Besides the observance of the Rule according to the interpretation of the Aachen Capitula, Cluny's principal achievement was the securing of complete independence from any secular interference of all the monasteries and churches belonging to the congregation. In this endeavor the monks met the aims of the renewed Papacy and exempted from the authority of the local bishops, enjoyed the full protection of Rome. To secure the perfect uniformity of rite and discipline - putting aside the Rule's original thought concerning the independency of every single monastery - the Abbot of Cluny exercised a direct and unlimited power over the whole Congregation. The growth and influence of Cluny reached its peak during the long regime of Abbot Hugh (1049-1109), who controlled about 1300 monasteries.

Although the vast majority of the legally incorporated houses were in France, Cluny's influence extended all over Christian Europe. It was particularly strong in Spain, where the first crusade against the Arabs (after 1063) had been started with the full support of Cluny. In Flanders and Lorraine, Gerhard of Brogne (d.959) reformed about twenty houses in the spirit of Cluny and after a short interval his work was continued in the first half of the eleventh century by Richard of Verdun (d. 1046). Richard was particularly persistent in eliminating every kind of secular influence from his monasteries and, in behalf of preserving the unity of the congregation, proposed an annual meeting of abbots.

The reform of almost 70 monasteries goes back to John of Gorze, who, in the middle of the tenth century, insisted on the literal interpretation of the Rule, introducing an extremely severe penitential discipline. William of Dijon (d.1031) reformed the Benedictines of Normandy, and, after the Norman Conquest, his monks also reorganized the English monastic life. Although Cluny's direct influence in Germany was negligible, the customs of the largest congregation - with about one hundred houses, headed by Hirsati - were nothing but a modification of the regulations of Cluny.

The Eleventh Century Reforms

Cluny's importance in the formation of Western monasticism cannot be overestimated. The movement, in close cooperation with the Papacy, helped to restore the independence and dignity of the Church and raised the reputation and moral standards of the religious vocation to a higher level than had ever existed. Yet it is difficult to deny that the well organized life in the magnificent monasteries, the artistically developed daily liturgical service, the splendor of the romanesque churches, the active role in feudal politics were in open contradiction with the reformatory ideals of simplicity and austerity of Benedict of Aniane. At the same time, the vision of the asceticism of the Desert Fathers did not lose its challenging power. On the contrary, the attraction of the eremitical life had been revived with a stronger impulse than ever before, especially in Southern Italy, around the year 1000. During the Middle Ages, the peninsula was always a link between East and West, and, though under varying political control, it yielded a steady Byzantine and Oriental cultural infiltration. Communication with Eastern Christianity was particularly increased when the Turkish invasion of Asia Minor compelled large numbers ofpriests and monks to seek refuge in Italy, and the hills of Calabria were populated once again with hermits and anchorites.

One of the first to revive the memory of the pre-Benedictine asceticism in Italy was St. Nilus (d.1005), the founder of a Basilian monastery. A more conscious reformer was St. Romuald of Ravenna (d.1027). Dissatisfied with the Cluniac discipline of his monastery at Ravenna, he left the community and with his disciples founded several hermitages, among them one at Camaldoli. Inspired by the reading of the lives of the Desert Fathers, he wished to restore the monastic life according to the earliest tradition of solitude and austerity. Except for liturgical prayer in common, his monks lived a solitary life of perpetual silence and severe fasting in small huts. Roinuald himself did not compose a separate rule, but characteristically enough maintained the Rule of St. Benedict although his interpretation was obviously opposed to its real spirit.

The life and activity of St. John Gualbert of Florence (d.1073) followed a similar pattern. Leaving his Benedictine monastery, he joined for a time the Camaldolese; ultimately, however, he abandoned the eremitical life and founded a cenobite monastery at Vallombrosa, near Florence. He also kept the Rule of St. Benedict, interpreting it in the scope of a purely contemplative life. In addition to requiring the strictest silence and enclosure, he forbade manual work, which was given over together with the other administrative duties to lay brothers.

In far-reaching influence and authority, both Romuald and John Gualbert were surpassed by St. Peter Damian (10071072) whose role and activity in the eleventh century was similar to St. Bernard's a century later. After his "conversion," Damian joined a group of hermits at Fonte Avellana, founded by a disciple of St. Romuald. Soon becoming the leader of the hermits, he composed a rule which was based on the Rule of St. Benedict, supplying it with the necessary instructions for the eremitical life. He - like St. Benedict of Aniane - contended that St. Benedict's Rule was meant only for beginners in the spiritual life, being but a preparation for the more perfect life of the hermits. Having this conviction, he felt himself perfectly justified in arguing that he and his fellow-hermits were just as true Benedictines as the cenobites. He propagated successfully his views on asceticism through his pamphlets and letters which were full of erudition and cast in a style of splendid Latinity. Later his position as a cardinal and an intimate adviser of the Popes gave his teaching additional prestige.

The monastic reform in Italy during the eleventh century aroused little echo elsewhere, and the Orders of Camaldoli and Vallombrosa never gained ground north of the Alps. Further decisive steps toward a reformed religious life, sweeping throughout the whole Latin Christianity, were made again in France, in the same Burgundy whence the Cluniac reform started its victorious campaign two centuries earlier. This movement received a valiant and unexpected impetus from the First Crusade (1096), which aroused an unparalleled religious enthusiasm in millions of souls. Just as hundreds of thousands received the cross eager to die for Christ, legions of noble souls swarmed into the reformed monasteries, filled with the same heroic spirit, to embrace the cross of a life of incredible severity.

One of the early centers of this monastic renewal - though not the most successful one - was Molesme, founded for a group of hermits in 1075 by the same St. Robert who was later to lead the first Cistercians. The undertaking, at first promising, attracted St. Bruno of Cologne (d.1101) who, after a short time, left the monastery and around 1084 founded a hermitage with his followers in the valley of Chartreuse, near Grenoble. Their Rule was that of St. Benedict according to the interpretation of the Camaldolese, with more emphasis on contemplation, simplicity, and austerity. In 1098 Robert himself, the Abbot of Molesme, abandoned the troubled place with disappointed hermits, heading into the forests of Citeaux.

Another meeting place of monastic reformers was the forest of Craon, near the border line of Normandy and Brittany. Inhabited by a number of hermits living in scattered huts, it was called significantly in contemporary sources "a new Egypt." At the close of the eleventh century, these hermits were organized under the leadership of Vitalis of Mortain (d.1122). Other prominent members of the assembly were Robert of Arbrissel, a celebrated itinerant preacher, and Bernard of Tiron (d.1117), formerly a Benedictine monk of St. Cyprian at Poitiers. Although, basically, all recognized the authority of the Rule of St. Benedict, except for a common program of strict asceticism, their views on monastic reform varied considerably. In succession, each of the leading figures established independent communities for their faithful disciples.

Robert of Arbrissel founded c.1100 a community on the model of the Apostolic Church at Fontevrault in Anjou. A phenomenal success, it became a fully organized order with three groups of members - the contemplative nuns, the lay sisters, and priests who served as chaplains. The abbess of Fontevrault had jurisdiction over the whole organization.

Vitalis of Mortain, in search of greater solitude, retired in 1105 to the forest of Savigny. The life of the new establishment, with special emphasis on agricultural work with the assistance of lay brothers, as well as a system of visitation and general chapters resembled closely the organization of Citeaux. The fusion of the flourishing congregation of Savigny with the Cistercians in 1147 was effectuated as a direct result of their common endeavor.

The fervor of discipline and simplicity animated Bernard in the foundation of Tiron in 1109. The return of this group to manual labor and to the original simplicity of liturgical services in accordance with the prescriptions of the Rule of St. Benedict safely supports the assumption that Bernard was quite familiar with the reform of Citeaux. His monks, however, besides doing agricultural labor, practiced all the arts and crafts without the employment of lay brothers.

A strictly eremitical community was founded c.1100 by Stephen of Muret (d. 1 124) at Grandmont near Limoges, after the fashion of the Camaldolese and the Carthusians. Personally impressed by the hermits of Calabria, he carried the same idea which secured the brilliant success for the Cistercians to its extreme logical limit. In the love of poverty and simplicity, Stephen rejected every kind of fixed revenue including lands and animals, while for the sake of undisturbed contemplation he committed the administration of his whole plantation to lay brothers with almost full responsibility.

Direct Cistercian influence was working in England in the reform of Gilbert of Sempringham, involving communities for both men and women. In 1147, the founder himself proposed the fusion of his growing congregation with the Cistercians. Citeaux, however, opposed to the establishment of any legal connection with convents, declined the offer.

Cistercian ideas inspired the reformer of the Augustinian Canons, St. Norbert (d. 1 134), a personal friend of St. Bernard of Clairvaux. The admirable success and quick growth of the Premonstratensians which was begun at Prémontré near Reims, the mother house, almost equaled that of the Cistercians.

The heroic spirit of reform was not restricted to the monastic orders; it penetrated the whole society, especially the populations of the growing cities. The desire for a reformed church with a reformed clergy increased with such impetus that the movement could not be stifled. While the religious communities with their well instructed and disciplined membership never escaped the direction of legal authorities, those half-cultured city crowds swung toward revolutionary extremes. What the Rule was for monastic reform, the Gospel was for the lay movement; and, as the monks were inspired by the example of the Desert Fathers, the popular preachers idealized the life of the Apostolic Church, especially in its poverty and simplicity. They supported their demands concerning the absolute poverty of the clergy and a perfect detachment of the Church from every secular implication by the literal interpretation of the Gospel. Their background of extremely austere asceticism was nothing more than a revived form of Manicheism. In their belief that matter and the body originated from the principle of evil, they condemned marriage, refused to eat meat, and fasted until starvation. This movement, as an anticlerical heresy, also had the political result of revolting against the bishops' authority and of achieving a free municipal autonomy by the elected communes. The best known and most talented representative of all these doctrines was Arnold of Brescia (d.1155), the founder of the famed Roman Republic, a lifelong adversary of St. Bernard of Clairvaux. This popular heretical revolution found its stronghold in Southern France, particularly at Languedoc, with Toulouse and Albi as its centers, hence the name Albigenses. These disturbances endured for a century. As an organized movement, it was crushed by the bloody crusade of Simon of Montfort; but the heresy survived, although greatly weakened, through the preaching of the newly established Mendicant Friars.